THE MIDDLE EAST IN CRISIS

The first is evidently non going to happen, as Israel remains adamantly opposed. However, the second tycoon just be in the cards - if Arafat could be confident(p) to pursue that option.

So far, however, according to leading scholar Fouad Ajami, "'Arafat has not told his people, "'"I bring you peace but the dreaming of nirvana is gone." [Instead], he [has] preferred the language of heroic resistance to a painful compromise'" (Zakaria 2001 2). Indeed, much more recently - in fact, just last March - Arafat declared, with reference to the much-disputed control of Israel's capital, "'Our people depart continue the uprising until we raise the Palestinian flag on every minaret and church in Jerusalem'" (Wilkinson, 2001, p. A4).

Arafat also accused Israel of initiation a one-hundred-day military offensive against Palestinian forces. Though Arafat's obstreperous remarks came in the wake of Israeli air strikes that reduced to debris the headquarters of his elite security forces in Ramallah on the westward Bank, they once again highlighted the intractability of the dispute. Indeed, Israeli Prime government minister Ariel Sharon countered, not with a denial, but with the declaration that the strikes were the opening shots of a "'protracted campaign against terrorism'" (Wilkinson 2001 A4).

Meanwhile, Israel evidently continues to fear that "the Palestinians do not hateful what they say" when they claim - or at least

In response, the administration appears to be softening its leave-them-alone approach. In May, 2001, Secretary of State Colin Powell declared that Israel's campaign of military huskiness wasn't working and that negotiations should be moved to the crystalise of the agenda (Kempster 2001 A4). before long afterward, Powell met with a top Arafat deputy, Mahmoud Abbas. "It was the first time a top Bush administration official [had] welcomed a major Palestinian figure to Washington" (Kempster, 2001, p. A4). Much more recently, there has been restate talk in Washington of a meeting - possibly at the White House, possibly at the United Nations - amid the President and Arafat.

Zakaria, Fareed. (2001).

The Middle East after Arafat: the Palestinian loss leader cannot bring peace - what can be done without him? Newsweek, Apr. 9: 2.

Muddying the waters further since the start of 2001 has been the U.S. government's dramatic constitution mouse - from former President Clinton's almost grandfatherly approach of continuous hand-holding to the policy of the new administration of George W. Bush, which has been perceived as "hands off." Arab and Palestinian leadership, in particular, have bugger off increasingly alarmed by the new approach. In particular, more recently they have become convinced "that Israel will never sit down to weighty negotiations without U.S. persuasion" (Slackman, 2001, p. A4). (In fact, as many commentators noted, the prevailing belief among Arab leaders that Israel and the U.S. are, in effect, joined at the hip, may have helped burn the terrorist attacks upon the World Trade Center and the Pentagon.)

when they did claim four years ago - that they are (or were) willing to accept life in a so-called mini-state in Gaza in place of their furnish from the diaspora. In other words, they would give up the big dream in place of the little dream (Halkin, 1999, p. 17). In addition, in light of more recent stat
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